, publishes two issues a year and receives contributions on issues strictly philosophical philosophy students (undergraduate or graduate). 
21
Defender
status quo.
But the class struggle, indispensable, is not sufficient to address the needs radical. That is an urgent need not imply that it is exclusive. Beyond the subject of the work force there are other forms of oppression of human activities: ethnic, gender, relationships between humans and nature, generational. Lenin had already widened the category of the historical subject, noting that not only the proletariat but the masses (including the peasantry and some strata of the petty bourgeoisie) were protagonists of the revolution. Later, several theoretical, which has been Marcuse the best known, claimed that radical transformation was also seeing the renovation of the culture in which youth as social and libidinal liberation and utopian horizon, played a central role in defeating the domination fetish.
Marx did not claim that the abolition of class society to solve all the problems of inequality among human beings. However, as exemplified by the cases just mentioned, Marx proposed a theory and a method that appropriately applied to social contexts in capitalism, provide perspectives for the emancipation of the popular sectors.
If we follow Marx, as I believe it is now necessary, that should be possible from a totalizing vision of society. Particular struggles should be directed towards the creation of a community. Plurality is not a value in itself. Faced with a social aggregation, capitalism as a process in place globally, it is necessary to oppose a collective subject that totals from the asymmetry of a common program based not on tolerance but on solidarity. Helio Gallardo, in raising the status of people
indicated that its various components are not articulated from the consensus, but the dissent, that is, dialogue and respect. In this joint heterogeneous subordination arises as the key concept to define a collective identity of popular nature, and as such in its general scope and aims at the all-embracing social change and radical character, as posed by the great theorist and activist in whose memory we gather here today.
Finally, I note that Marx never gave a normative characterization of communism. His few indications in this regard are vague and are almost strictly against the limitations of capitalism on everyday life. Thus, Marx is consistent with the generality of his theory: the sense of social activity is not given a priori
and beyond a particular mode of production, one that will happen is an open construction, being made and imagined by collective subjects they leave their social heritage, culture and nature to create desirable.
In other words, a considerable part of the life of Marx lies in his belief that socialism not a predetermined path, not a goal to be come a predestined historical subject. Today, as more than 150 years ago, when Marx wrote to his friend Engels
Communist Manifesto, socialism is pure possibility: a collective freedom open to the future.
building assume that freedom is the challenge that we have left, as Walter Benjamin said, our ancestors enslaved. And since, as Lenin said, without revolutionary theory, no revolutionary practice, from the oppressed to critically review the theory Marx and put it up to date with new social conditions is the basic criterion for Marx remains relevant today as it has been for the last half century.
